KOULIBALY: Ivory Coast Can Learn from the Parliamentry System of Governance

By Mamadou Koulibaly

Abidjan, Ivory Coast

As Côte d'Ivoire is in a unique situation with two presidents of the republic, beyond the short-term analysis of the scourges of the titanic struggle that awaits the country, we can lead the debate on the pathways that could allow the limitation of absolute power that intoxicates leaders to the point of making them forget they only are the servants of their people.

The parliamentary system discovered by the English more than three centuries ago has exported more easily and had more success in poor countries in institutional transition. This is the Westminster model of government found in Great Britain which has remarkably stood the test of time and latitudes. Countries, with poor, heterogeneous populations, exiting colonization, remote from western culture and knowing political tensions have often had to adopt this model to ensure relative stability and effective progress. This has been the case of India since 1947 and Japan since 1945.

This model is clear, simple and it establishes a total agreement between the government and the parliamentary majority. State power is exercised only by the leader or the leader of the party that has the majority in parliament. As the policy of the government complies with the program under which the majority was elected, everything goes well. The President or Prime Minister, depending on the name given to it, is first an elected politician and most members of government are also members of parliament.

As an example look at the experiences of Haiti and Jamaica. In the first country, after the independence it was chosen to have presidential systems : there then followed a succession of coups and dictatorships, and today a situation of uncertainty and fragile institutions. The model turned into an illusion. Not far away, Jamaica adopted a parliamentary system modelled on the Westminster one and since then democracy has been functioning smoothly, parties transcending social divisions and enabling alternation in power. Ethnic tensions and economic difficulties are better absorbed and channelled.

However, the only choice of regime is not sufficient to define the framework of political parties. A complementary element is absolutely essential : the voting system, which can either distort the parliamentary system, or have the presidential system evolve. The voting system should be the majority vote with a one-round ballot, in order to allow a majority to have decision power. Political consensuses have largely demonstrated their limitations on the continent. The mission of the Opposition is in the counterweight and not in the decision.

In Africa, we must be wary of regimes that want a strong executive with a direct universal suffrage. The parliamentary system combined with the majority vote with one-round ballot, is more effective and less dangerous to democracy and the rule of law.

It is the duty of African elites to give good constitutional institutions to their nations. Politicians must be aware of their responsibility. The nature of power is more important than the person who exercises it. In Africa, politicians should realize that the fundamental opposition may not remain in the separation of executive, legislative and judicial powers but between limited government and government with absolute power. As stated by Professor Jean-Philippe Feldman, lawyer in Paris, "when the power is absolute, the government is oppressive ; when power is limited the government is liberal." When we know that absolute power corrupts, it is necessary to be wary not to mortgage the future generations. The fact of being given a public mandate or management of a state administration does not allow one to violate the rights and freedoms of citizens. As servants, leaders should instead protect these rights and freedoms.

Hayek summarizes this philosophy in terms that could not be clearer "the critical issue is not who governs but what government is entitled to do."

The analysis of the different constitutional models shows that this parliamentary conception is the most suited to the desired path of progress for Africa. Westminster remains the reference model. The more regimes come close to it, the better democracy and the rule of law work. The more they move away from it, the more democracy is malfunctioning.

Hon. Mamadou Koulibaly is President of Audace Institute Afrique, a think tank based in Ivory Coast and an ally of Africanliberty.org . He has been a staunch defender of the parliamentary system in Africa.

Ivory Coast: where’s the anger?

Who would’ve thought? It appears Ivory Coast’s Laurent Gbabgo was taking copious notes only a few years ago when Kenya’s Kibaki did the unthinkable by swearing himself as president despite losing nationwide elections.

La Cote d’Ivoire is now in its own lame duck session with two different presidents from opposing parties. Even for Africa this is unprecedented. The current impasse in Ivory Coast is a stark reminder that the continent’s leadership crisis is far from over.

For many Africans, today was once again a day of political perfidy as we were forced to watch another ignominy unfold before our very eyes. Needless to say this has caused undue tension all over the country. Already Prime Minister Soro, the man who led rebel forces during Ivory Coast’s first ever bloody civil war has resigned. No one knows what will happen next but if history is a harbinger, then Soro’s return to the bush is no good news.

The AU has deployed Thabo Mbeki to help defuse the situation while foreign leaders such as President Obama and international organizations such as the United Nations have all recognized Ouattara as the legitimate winner.Yet why did everyone look on helplessly as Gbabgo shamelessly stole the people’s mandate? All this is especially painful considering the amount of effort, time and resource that has been spent in the aftermath of the 2002 armed rebellion which they're barely recovering from.

Where’s the kind of people power that we've seen in other parts of the world such as Philippine's yellow revolution which drove President Marcos from power or the orange revolution in Ukraine’s 2004 run-off that brought Viktor Yushchenko to power. Actually Ivory Coast doesn't have to look that far. It was in this same country that ordinary citizens protested, marched and literally drove Guei from power back in 2000 after he tried to rig elections.

Where is that raw anger? This is the kind of situation where violence-–either from the military, international community or the peasantry--may very well be the only language Mr Gbabgo understands.

Why can’t African leaders just get it?

Official reports from Ivory Coast indicate four persons have died from paramilitary attacks at the office of opposition candidate Alassane Ouattara. The incident occurred yesterday in Abidjan. With a history of ravenous wars, genocides, coups and counter coups this latest development should not be taken lightly.

What’s wrong with Gbagbo? Was this not the same man who as a history professor derided the kind of machine politics that kept Houphouët-Boigny at the helm of power for however long in Ivory Coast? Was this not the same Gbabgo who condemned the unprecedented military coup that brought Guei to power? And was this not the same man whose presidential term was extended not once but twice by the AU and UN after it expired in 2005?

Why is this man trying to cling on to power so desperately? By his actions Gbabgo has shown he is guilty of the same crimes he accused his predecessors of: power drunkenness.

We’ve seen it happen before. Is this not the same spirit that possessed Kibaki in the aftermath of the 2007 elections in Kenya? We all know what happened after that. What is even more disturbing is that just like a certain former president of a country which shares borders with Ivory Coast his wife has been at the center of Gbago’s intransigence. But at least former President Rawlings, for all his faults, abdicated power.

I’ve never been a Rawlings loyalist but for the first time I’m beginning to see the man differently.

Simone Gbagbo, according to the grapevine is said to have uttered to her husband just as the president was about to concede that “If you accept these results, you’re not a boy.” This being Africa, the last thing any man wants is to challenge his manhood—especially when it comes from none other but the woman you share a bed with. But Gbagbo should know better than the counsel of his greedy wife clearly deluded by the spoils of power.

A man may not want to look weak in front of his wife, no matter how questionable her character. That’s fair. But under this circumstance he will be a bigger man—almost larger than life—at least by Africa’s standards should he do the right thing and gracefully concede. Nelson Mandela although under different circumstances has done it before and so can Mr. Gbabgo.

And of course African leaders are waiting for more people to die before they do something. Are they not? I just hope of all the countries in the world, France stays out of this matter.

My goodness, why can’t African leaders just get it?

Ivory Coast: Déjà vu all over again?

Etse Sikanku

This script looks familiar. Months of presidential campaigning and political mudslinging, tense general elections, a presidential run-off, contests over electoral results and finally either the disputes are resolved or civil war breaks out.

Thanks to serious challenges over voting results—mainly from the incumbent party—Ivory Coast is on the brink of civil anarchy.

Facts:
Presidential elections held on Sunday, October 31
No clear winner emerges : Gbagbo led major challenger Outtara 38 to 32
Presidential run-off held Monday November 27
Initial results show Outtara leading Gbagbo
Gbagbo’s representative at the electoral commission tears up results just as key announcement was set to be made.

This is reminiscent of the December 27th 2007 elections in Kenya where unresolved electoral disputes led to months of open war which left thousands dead, maimed or displaced.

There is growing concern that the world’s top cocoa producer might slip into political mayhem as tension increases. Major foreign news sources report that streets have been deserted and Abidjan, the country’s capitol is starting to look like a ghost town.

Currently the northern half of Ivory Coast is under rebel control while President Gbabgo controls the Southern regions. Ouattara draws support from the North where Gbabgo is currently disputing results. Earlier provisional run-off results revealed in piecemeal show Outtara is ahead of Gbagbo. The electoral commission has until midnight to declare final tallies.

In theory this will represent the first democratic elections in Ivory Coast in a decade. If the former French colony pulls through it will not only usher in a new era for one of West Africa’s most promising nations but will send strong signals of political reform in Africa. However should things turn awry it may yet confirm the worst fears of many Ivoirians: a potential return to those dark days of civil unrest.

AYODELE: What the World Bank should know about Ghana’s Success Stories

by Thompson Ayodele

Two decades ago, the rest of the world saw Africa as a hopeless continent. Today Ghana is one of Africa's success stories. Its economy, spurred by a thriving private sector, has grown on average by over 6 percent a year for the past five years. A significant part of this growth has been fueled by the success of the country's palm oil industry, with over 300,000 hectares of land currently under cultivation.

Palm oil provides a major source of employment and revenue for Ghanaian smallholders, with 27,000 farmers engaged in the industry. The Ghanaian government recognizes the huge role palm oil plays in the economy, investing more than $3 million in the industry so far, and recently announcing a "master plan" to support expanded production.

Ghanaian ex-president John Kufuor left an important legacy for the country's palm oil community. President Kufuor selected an additional 300,000 hectares of land for oil palm expansion which will be developed over the next few years. This will meet both domestic and international demand, as the Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS) has noted a shortfall in supply up to a million tons for the economic sub-region.

But Ghana's efforts are now being undercut by the World Bank, which under its current president Robert Zoellick has suspended loans for palm oil and will impose new sustainability standards for lending. This development has serious consequences for the industry as well as poverty alleviation in Africa.

The World Bank has for decades supported the growth of palm oil in African countries. Since the 1970s it has invested more than $43 million in Ghana, including $12.5 million in 2007 alone. Recently however, the Bank's International Finance Corporation (IFC) suspended its $132 million annual investment in palm oil, after sustained pressure from environmental groups in the West

This move will be extremely damaging not only to the palm oil sector in West Africa, but also to poverty alleviation in developing countries such as Ghana, where jobs are scarce in rural areas. In Nigeria alone, nearly two million people are employed in the palm oil business.

In addition, palm oil is a valuable food source for millions of Africans, at a time of increasing global food insecurity. Uganda has made recent strides to capitalize on local palm oil production to feed local families and boost job booth. The International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) has announced a continuation of Ugandan palm oil investment of $52 million in partnership with the Vegetable Oil Development Project Phase 2. This loan provides direct benefits to more than 136,000 Ugandan families and local businesses such as BIDCO. The IFAD rightly sees palm oil investment as crucial for economic development and the World Bank would be well-served to follow this agency's example.

Moreover, the World Bank's unwise decision runs completely counter to the IFC's stated aim, which is to reduce poverty and help people help themselves. As the Bank itself acknowledged in its Framework for Engagement, "the palm oil sector has played a significant role in advancing development and accelerating poverty reduction in the many tropical countries in which it grows."

Instead of helping entrepreneurs in developing nations, the Bank is increasingly in thrall to environmental extremists whose anti-business agenda threatens the livelihoods of millions of people in the world's poorest continent. Where is the logic in pandering to the demands of Western-based NGOs while undermining the very people you are supposed to be helping in the developing world?

While wealthy NGOs in the West pour vast sums into lobbying international institutions to advance their radical agendas, small farmers and landholders in Africa and Asia suffer. And the timing could not be worse, in the aftermath of a major global recession, and while the European Union erects further protectionist barriers to international trade through its Renewable Energy Directive, which will make it even harder for African farmers to export products such as palm oil to Europe.

President Zoellick and the Bank's executive board should stand up to the powerful environmental lobby, and reject the mandated environmental certification standards which they demand. These so-called "standards" are in reality job killers in developing countries, and a hammer blow against African farmers.

A wealthier society with a clear stake in its economy is far more likely to protect the environment and natural wildlife than an impoverished one. It behooves on the World Bank to reinstate its backing for palm oil, and act decisively in favor of raising living standards and combating poverty in developing nations. The Bank should live up to its core mission, and free itself from the nefarious grip of environmental groups who are far-removed from the daily realities of the people in countries like Ghana.

Thompson Ayodele is the Director of the Initiative for Public Policy Analysis, a Nigeria-based public policy think tank and associate of www.africanliberty.org and IMANI Ghana.