The "West": Ivory Coast’s Trojan horse?

Out of all the frames emerging from Gbagbo’s capture/surrender, the most ridiculous is the one seeking to infer western culpability. At best this theme is one that castigates French forces for their treatment of Laurent Gbagbo and his wife. At worst, some who invoke this theme do so only because in the puritanical halls of the third world, it is not only scholarly to rely on anti-western tropes but patently sexy too.

Looking inward has never been the African way. To me this sounds somewhat paradoxical especially for a continent rich with a culture that constantly reminds people to engage in self examination. In Ghana’s local Twi dialect for instance we often say “s3 aboa bi b3ka woa na efri wo ntoma mu” which means “an animal/insect that bites your skin is most likely to be found in your clothes”

For all those still caught up in the high-minded syllogisms of yesteryear, I have news for you. Colonialism is dead. Ant-colonialism is not sexy and neo-colonialism is no hotter. Sure, France might have its own nationalistic interests in Ivory Coast but which country doesn’t? Isn’t that what statehood is all about? No government that cannot identify its dominant national and international policy interests deserves its mandate. Pursuing these goals to the detriment of another state should however not be condoned.

In Ivory Coasts’ conundrum, I argue that the immediate interest of French forces and pro-Ouattara supporters was more similar than divergent. That is, to dethrone the recalcitrant Gbagbo from power.

Why the hue and cry?

Was it western forces that injected Gbagbo with power drunkenness? Was it some western bug that bit him into stubbornness? Which western force made the former history professor cancel elections that were deemed credible by locals and the wider international community? Maybe I missed some aspects of the narrative but I would like to know the western agents that made an African president hide in the bunker of his own building. Perhaps that ruler doesn’t even deserve his position to begin with.

That said all accusations of rights abuse and maltreatment should be fully addressed. I’m not a student of international conflict but I believe even in combat there are rules of engagement. Ever since Boigny died, La Cote d’Ivoire has been on a roller coaster. When people say Ghana’s western neighbor—in peace time—symbolizes African potential, they’re not exaggerating. For the sake of all the people— men, women and children and for the continent’s larger good, I hope Abidjan rises again.

KOULIBALY: Ivory Coast Can Learn from the Parliamentry System of Governance

By Mamadou Koulibaly

Abidjan, Ivory Coast

As Côte d'Ivoire is in a unique situation with two presidents of the republic, beyond the short-term analysis of the scourges of the titanic struggle that awaits the country, we can lead the debate on the pathways that could allow the limitation of absolute power that intoxicates leaders to the point of making them forget they only are the servants of their people.

The parliamentary system discovered by the English more than three centuries ago has exported more easily and had more success in poor countries in institutional transition. This is the Westminster model of government found in Great Britain which has remarkably stood the test of time and latitudes. Countries, with poor, heterogeneous populations, exiting colonization, remote from western culture and knowing political tensions have often had to adopt this model to ensure relative stability and effective progress. This has been the case of India since 1947 and Japan since 1945.

This model is clear, simple and it establishes a total agreement between the government and the parliamentary majority. State power is exercised only by the leader or the leader of the party that has the majority in parliament. As the policy of the government complies with the program under which the majority was elected, everything goes well. The President or Prime Minister, depending on the name given to it, is first an elected politician and most members of government are also members of parliament.

As an example look at the experiences of Haiti and Jamaica. In the first country, after the independence it was chosen to have presidential systems : there then followed a succession of coups and dictatorships, and today a situation of uncertainty and fragile institutions. The model turned into an illusion. Not far away, Jamaica adopted a parliamentary system modelled on the Westminster one and since then democracy has been functioning smoothly, parties transcending social divisions and enabling alternation in power. Ethnic tensions and economic difficulties are better absorbed and channelled.

However, the only choice of regime is not sufficient to define the framework of political parties. A complementary element is absolutely essential : the voting system, which can either distort the parliamentary system, or have the presidential system evolve. The voting system should be the majority vote with a one-round ballot, in order to allow a majority to have decision power. Political consensuses have largely demonstrated their limitations on the continent. The mission of the Opposition is in the counterweight and not in the decision.

In Africa, we must be wary of regimes that want a strong executive with a direct universal suffrage. The parliamentary system combined with the majority vote with one-round ballot, is more effective and less dangerous to democracy and the rule of law.

It is the duty of African elites to give good constitutional institutions to their nations. Politicians must be aware of their responsibility. The nature of power is more important than the person who exercises it. In Africa, politicians should realize that the fundamental opposition may not remain in the separation of executive, legislative and judicial powers but between limited government and government with absolute power. As stated by Professor Jean-Philippe Feldman, lawyer in Paris, "when the power is absolute, the government is oppressive ; when power is limited the government is liberal." When we know that absolute power corrupts, it is necessary to be wary not to mortgage the future generations. The fact of being given a public mandate or management of a state administration does not allow one to violate the rights and freedoms of citizens. As servants, leaders should instead protect these rights and freedoms.

Hayek summarizes this philosophy in terms that could not be clearer "the critical issue is not who governs but what government is entitled to do."

The analysis of the different constitutional models shows that this parliamentary conception is the most suited to the desired path of progress for Africa. Westminster remains the reference model. The more regimes come close to it, the better democracy and the rule of law work. The more they move away from it, the more democracy is malfunctioning.

Hon. Mamadou Koulibaly is President of Audace Institute Afrique, a think tank based in Ivory Coast and an ally of Africanliberty.org . He has been a staunch defender of the parliamentary system in Africa.

Ivory Coast: where’s the anger?

Who would’ve thought? It appears Ivory Coast’s Laurent Gbabgo was taking copious notes only a few years ago when Kenya’s Kibaki did the unthinkable by swearing himself as president despite losing nationwide elections.

La Cote d’Ivoire is now in its own lame duck session with two different presidents from opposing parties. Even for Africa this is unprecedented. The current impasse in Ivory Coast is a stark reminder that the continent’s leadership crisis is far from over.

For many Africans, today was once again a day of political perfidy as we were forced to watch another ignominy unfold before our very eyes. Needless to say this has caused undue tension all over the country. Already Prime Minister Soro, the man who led rebel forces during Ivory Coast’s first ever bloody civil war has resigned. No one knows what will happen next but if history is a harbinger, then Soro’s return to the bush is no good news.

The AU has deployed Thabo Mbeki to help defuse the situation while foreign leaders such as President Obama and international organizations such as the United Nations have all recognized Ouattara as the legitimate winner.Yet why did everyone look on helplessly as Gbabgo shamelessly stole the people’s mandate? All this is especially painful considering the amount of effort, time and resource that has been spent in the aftermath of the 2002 armed rebellion which they're barely recovering from.

Where’s the kind of people power that we've seen in other parts of the world such as Philippine's yellow revolution which drove President Marcos from power or the orange revolution in Ukraine’s 2004 run-off that brought Viktor Yushchenko to power. Actually Ivory Coast doesn't have to look that far. It was in this same country that ordinary citizens protested, marched and literally drove Guei from power back in 2000 after he tried to rig elections.

Where is that raw anger? This is the kind of situation where violence-–either from the military, international community or the peasantry--may very well be the only language Mr Gbabgo understands.

Why can’t African leaders just get it?

Official reports from Ivory Coast indicate four persons have died from paramilitary attacks at the office of opposition candidate Alassane Ouattara. The incident occurred yesterday in Abidjan. With a history of ravenous wars, genocides, coups and counter coups this latest development should not be taken lightly.

What’s wrong with Gbagbo? Was this not the same man who as a history professor derided the kind of machine politics that kept Houphouët-Boigny at the helm of power for however long in Ivory Coast? Was this not the same Gbabgo who condemned the unprecedented military coup that brought Guei to power? And was this not the same man whose presidential term was extended not once but twice by the AU and UN after it expired in 2005?

Why is this man trying to cling on to power so desperately? By his actions Gbabgo has shown he is guilty of the same crimes he accused his predecessors of: power drunkenness.

We’ve seen it happen before. Is this not the same spirit that possessed Kibaki in the aftermath of the 2007 elections in Kenya? We all know what happened after that. What is even more disturbing is that just like a certain former president of a country which shares borders with Ivory Coast his wife has been at the center of Gbago’s intransigence. But at least former President Rawlings, for all his faults, abdicated power.

I’ve never been a Rawlings loyalist but for the first time I’m beginning to see the man differently.

Simone Gbagbo, according to the grapevine is said to have uttered to her husband just as the president was about to concede that “If you accept these results, you’re not a boy.” This being Africa, the last thing any man wants is to challenge his manhood—especially when it comes from none other but the woman you share a bed with. But Gbagbo should know better than the counsel of his greedy wife clearly deluded by the spoils of power.

A man may not want to look weak in front of his wife, no matter how questionable her character. That’s fair. But under this circumstance he will be a bigger man—almost larger than life—at least by Africa’s standards should he do the right thing and gracefully concede. Nelson Mandela although under different circumstances has done it before and so can Mr. Gbabgo.

And of course African leaders are waiting for more people to die before they do something. Are they not? I just hope of all the countries in the world, France stays out of this matter.

My goodness, why can’t African leaders just get it?

Ivory Coast: Déjà vu all over again?

Etse Sikanku

This script looks familiar. Months of presidential campaigning and political mudslinging, tense general elections, a presidential run-off, contests over electoral results and finally either the disputes are resolved or civil war breaks out.

Thanks to serious challenges over voting results—mainly from the incumbent party—Ivory Coast is on the brink of civil anarchy.

Facts:
Presidential elections held on Sunday, October 31
No clear winner emerges : Gbagbo led major challenger Outtara 38 to 32
Presidential run-off held Monday November 27
Initial results show Outtara leading Gbagbo
Gbagbo’s representative at the electoral commission tears up results just as key announcement was set to be made.

This is reminiscent of the December 27th 2007 elections in Kenya where unresolved electoral disputes led to months of open war which left thousands dead, maimed or displaced.

There is growing concern that the world’s top cocoa producer might slip into political mayhem as tension increases. Major foreign news sources report that streets have been deserted and Abidjan, the country’s capitol is starting to look like a ghost town.

Currently the northern half of Ivory Coast is under rebel control while President Gbabgo controls the Southern regions. Ouattara draws support from the North where Gbabgo is currently disputing results. Earlier provisional run-off results revealed in piecemeal show Outtara is ahead of Gbagbo. The electoral commission has until midnight to declare final tallies.

In theory this will represent the first democratic elections in Ivory Coast in a decade. If the former French colony pulls through it will not only usher in a new era for one of West Africa’s most promising nations but will send strong signals of political reform in Africa. However should things turn awry it may yet confirm the worst fears of many Ivoirians: a potential return to those dark days of civil unrest.